Thomas Sims Returned to Slavery

Boston police and night watch conveying the fugitive slave, Sims, to the vessel

Two engravings in Gleason’s Pictorial accompany a short description of the return of the fugitive slave Thomas Sims in 1851. Clearly Gleason’s is not on the side of the abolitionists; but the illustration above makes it clear that the Boston city government thought of abolitionism as a powerful and dangerous force. The Wikipedia article on Thomas Sims has a fairly good summary of the case. The Gleason’s article is probably reliable in its description of the events in Boston, where Gleason’s was based. This is probably not reliable: “It is somewhat amusing, now that Sims has arrived home, to know of his making a speech there, on landing, and declaring his delight at his escape from the Northern sympathizers, who so nearly used him up!” Here Gleason’s is probably repeating a malicious tall tale from a Savannah paper. Wikipedia tells us that Sims was given forty lashes minus one when he was brought back to Savannah, and then sold down the river; he was probably not as delighted as Gleason’s would have him. He escaped again during the Civil War, however, and ended up working for the U. S. Department of Justice, so that he got to see federal law from both sides.


The two scenes represented on this page, as will be observed by the titles, refer to the late subject of the fugitive slave, Sims; a theme which is still in every one’s mouth, and yet the comment of the press and the exciting subject of conversation to heated politicians. What every one is talking about becomes of general interest, as a matter of course, and therefore we have deemed these closing scenes in this much talked of business, worthy of presenting to our readers. The scene above represents the night watch joined with the day police, under direction of the Mayor and Marshal Tukey, as they appeared conducting Sims, the slave, from his place of confinement in the Court House to the wharf, from whence he embarked for Savannah, Geo. To some persons, the extraordinary precaution taken to guard against a rescue, may seem to be uncalled for; but such are reminded of the almost frantic efforts of heated politicians and mad fanatics, to bring about an open resort to arms by their followers; and there were two ministers, at least, in this city, who openly advised such a course from their pulpits. In view of all the circumstances, the fact of a former rescue from the hands of the law, and the heated state of the public mind generally, these measures were justly deemed but necessary and important, and as such, were adopted by those persons who controlled these matters. After an object of this character has been safely consummated, there are always plenty of wiseacres to laugh at all precautionary measures, but had an attempt at rescue been successfully put in practice—as would most assuredly have been done but for the vigilance of the proper authorities—then the whole body of our citizens would have immediately raised an outcry at the whole police force and the public officers generally, scorning their want of strict watchfulness and thorough knowledge of their important duty on this occasion. Consistency is, indeed, a very bright jewel, but one that is as rare as it is valuable. The scene depicted by our artist below, represents the departure of the brig Acorn from our harbor, not long since, with Sims, the slave, on board. The scene was sketched at the moment when the steamer Hornet took the vessel in tow, and she gathered way down the harbor, with the slave and his guard on board. It is somewhat amusing, now that Sims has arrived home, to know of his making a speech there, on landing, and declaring his delight at his escape from the Northern sympathizers, who so nearly used him up! It was decidedly requisite and necessary that proper officers of the law should attend the fugitive slave, and officially deliver him up to his rightful owner and master, in the city of Savannah, and this was, therefore, accordingly done. Even after the vessel had taken her departure from our harbor, the wind being in an unfavorable direction, she was necessarily compelled to come to an anchor in the lower bay; and here, again, it was deliberately planned to attempt a rescue, but when those disposed to engage in the hazardous undertaking to put such a plan into execution learned how warmly the officers on board the brig were prepared to receive them, this foolhardy intent was at once abandoned. The fugitive has now been delivered to his owner, and the officers who accompanied him to his place of destination have returned to this city. So ends the business.

——Gleason’s Pictorial Drawing Room Companion, July 19, 1851.

Departure of the brig Acorn from Boston Harbor with Sims on board

Justice for a Fugitive Slave

I’ve often remarked that you can find anything in the Internet Archive as long as you’re not looking for it. A handwritten letter from Lucia Weston, a notable Boston abolitionist, tells the story of a fugitive slave who was caught stowing away on a New England vessel, and then released on a writ of habeas corpus, with the captain of the vessel apparently under threat of severe consequences for having falsely imprisoned the man. The letter shows how much anti-slavery feeling there already was in Massachusetts by 1836. In particular, it’s striking how the sailors rebelled against their own captain’s treatment of their unexpected passenger.


Boston Oct 4th 1836

…Dr. Farnsworth was here this morning, and he said that there is another Slave-case, he says that a coloured man got on board one of the vessels that were there one of our vessels, he went on board and hid himself under the wood, he filled his pockets full of bread and cheese and he let no one know he was there and they had got to Cape Cod before any one knew he was there then the Captain a New-England man took him and chained his armes behind him, but the sailors could not stand that so they chained him with his hand’s before: and they came into Boston and the coloured people smelt him out, but the Captain had put him in prison on pretence of his payment of 25 dollars for his passage, so Samuel S Sewall went and served out a writ of Heabus Corpus and took the man, and he has him, and the Captain has got to take it for putting the man in prison, and his passage is only worth five or six dollars! Isn’t this good!

Slaves Escaping Up the Hudson

In 1841, an English abolitionist named Joseph Sturge came to the United States to report on the state of slavery there. On his way up the Hudson to Albany, he met a couple who were escaping from slavery in the South. Striking up a conversation with them, he found out how they did it.


On the evening of the 17th, in company with several of my abolition friends, I started for Albany, where the State legis­lature was then in session. The distance from New York is about a hundred and fifty-five miles, and is fre­quently per­formed by the steamers, on the noble river Hudson, in nine hours and a half up the stream, and in eight hours down. On these steamers there is accom­mo­dation for several hundred passen­gers to lodge, and the fare is only one dollar, with an extra charge for beds and meals. For an additional dollar, two per­sons may secure a state room to themselves.

As night drew on, and the deck began to be cleared, I observed a well-dressed black man and woman sitting apart, and sup­posing they could obtain no berths on ac­count of their color, I went and spoke to them. I told them I and several others on board were aboli­tion­ists. The man then informed us they were escaping from slavery, and had left their homes little more than two days before. They appeared very intel­ligent, though they could neither read nor write, and described to us how they had ef­fected their escape. They had obtained leave to go to a wedding, from which they were not ex­pected to return till the evening of the day fol­lowing. Having procured forged certificates of freedom, for which they paid twenty-five dollars, each, they came forward with expe­dition by railway and steam boat. They had heard of emanci­pation in the British West Indies, and the efforts of the abolitionists in the States, but they were unac­quainted with the existence of vigilance committees, to facil­itate the escape of runaway slaves. We assisted them to proceed to the house of a relative of one of our party, out of the track of the pursuer, should they be followed. There is little doubt that they have safely reached Canada, for I was told at Albany, public opinion had become so strong in favor of self-emanci­pation, that if a runaway were seized in the city, it is probable he would be rescued by the people.

I would also point attention to the fact, which is brought to light by this relation, that the slave-holders have not only to contend with the honest and open-handed means which the abolitionists most righteously employ,* to facil­itate the escape of slaves, but with the mercenary acts of members of their own community, who live by the manu­facture and sale of forged free papers.

*See Deut. xxiii. 15, 16 [“Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee: He shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him.”].

——A Visit to the United States in 1841.

An Abolitionist’s New Year’s Resolutions

Amos A. Phelps was a young Congregational minister who was about to embark on a career as a noted aboli­tionist. In 1833, he was still a year away from that adven­ture, but as the new year came in, he wrote down his resolu­tions like a million other serious young men. His hand­writ­ten diary can be seen in the Internet Archive; here some of his less common abbrevi­ations have been expanded, but the text is other­wise as he wrote it. We do not know which Mr. Seixas was Phelps’ Hebrew instruc­tor, but it could have been one of the fifteen children of the famous Gershom Mendes Seixas.


Jan 1st 1833. Tuesday Eve. Commenced the study of Hebrew with Mr Seixas to day. Preached this evening on the subject of Fasting. Gave my people strong meat. Dont know how it will set. Tuesday Eve ✝ meetings gen­erally not fully attended. Wife still sick. As this is the begin­ning of another year I would record the solemn pur­poses of my soul.

Resolved—1. that as a whole I will strive contin­ually to be more devoted & to carry more of a savor of piety into the var­ious duties of my office.

Resolved—2. that I will make it a point to rise as early as 6 the year round.

Resolved—3. that I will make it a point to econ­omize my time to the best pos­sible advan­tage & to this end will aim to do every thing at its proper time & in the shortest time possible.

Resolved—4. that I will, when circum­stances admit, pray 3 times each day—morning, noon, & night.

Resolved—5. that I will make it a point to con­verse with some impen­itent sinner each day in the year.

——Manuscript journal of Amos A. Phelps, vol. 2.

The Real Motives of the American Colonization Society

In the early 1800s, opposition to slavery in the North was con­stantly growing, and the fear of aboli­tionism mixed with the fear of slave revolt, perhaps encouraged by free black citizens, to make Southern slave­holders more than a little worried. Could they reach some agree­ment with the opponents of slavery? To some it seemed as though an obvious solution offered itself: send the free blacks back to Africa. The American Coloni­zation Society embraced both slave­holders and some aboli­tionists in an effort whose most obvious result was the founding of Liberia. But not all aboli­tionists believed that removing free blacks was a practical or righteous answer to the question. C. Stuart, an aboli­tionist of the less amenable sort, finds the real moti­vation in the American Colonization Society: it soothes the conscience of the slave-owners with the minimum possible reform.


The broad facts of the case are these:

The whole population of the United States is about 13,000,000. Out of this upwards of 2,000,000 are held in a most degrading and brutal state of per­sonal slavery, under laws worse than even those of the wretched slave colonies of Great Britain.

Out of the whole, 330,000, though free, are in most cases only partially so; and are exposed to an ex­ceedingly malig­nant and destruc­tive perse­cution, merely because they have a skin dif­ferently colored from the remaining eleven and a half millions of their fellow subjects.

Both those two perse­cuted classes arc rapidly increasing. Their increase terrifies the slave party, and fills them with anxious musings of danger.

The glaring contra­diction of a free people being a slave-holding people; of eleven or twelve millions of men, calling them­selves the most free in the world keeping upwards of 2,000,000 of their unof­fending fellow sub­jects in the most abject and degrading slavery, affects many, and urges them to seek a remedy. The word of God stands out before others, and bids them blush and tremble at the guilt and danger of their country, while the smothered cry of the oppressed and unof­fending poor rises incessantly to God against her.

From this state of things it was that the American Coloni­zation Society arose; by this state of things it is that the American Coloni­zation Society subsists. It is agreeable to the slave-master, for it calms his fears. It offers a remedy to the man who mourns over the dishonor and inconsistency of his country; and to the man who fears God, it commends itself by pretending to do all that it can for the unoffending poor.

The views of its advo­cates are frankly expressed in its own consti­tution as above quoted, and in its own reports. I refer to them all, particularly to the three last, 13th, 14th, and 13th, and submit from them the following quotations:

13th Report, page 44:—“The present number of this unfortunate, degraded, and anomalous class of inhabitants cannot be much short of half a million, and the number is fast increasing. They are emphatically a mildew upon our fields, a scourge to our backs, and a stain upon our escutcheon. To remove them is mercy to ourselves, and justice (!!!) to them.” 15th Report, page 24:—“The race in question were known, as a class, to be destitute, depraved, the victims of all forms of social misery. The peculi­arity of their fate was, that this was not their condition lay accident or transi­ently, but inevitably and immutably, whilst they remained in their present place, by a law as infal­lible in its operation as any of a physical nature.” In same 15th Report, page 25:—“What is the free black to the slave? A standing, per­petual excite­ment to discontent.… The slave would have then little excite­ment to dis­content, but for the free black; he would have as little to habits of depredation, his next strongest tendency, but from the same source of de­teriora­tion!!!… In getting rid, then, of the free blacks, the slave will be saved from the chief occasions for suffering, and the owner from inflicting severity.”…

How far may the remedies thus proposed be fairly expected to remove the evils in question?…

1. What kind of a remedy will it be to the brutal enslavement of two millions, increasing at the rate of 50,000 annually, that annually a few hundreds (or thousands if it should ever be) have their slavery commuted into trans­porta­tion. The few who are benefited not being righted, but only suffering a lesser instead of a greater wrong; while the two millions who remain are still increasing in number and sinking in degradation.

2. What kind of a remedy is it to the dreadful perse­cution which the 3 or 4 or 500,000 free colored people are suffering in the United States, that a fragment of them are removed annually to a foreign land, with their own consent, while the multi­tude who remain are subjected to aggravated persecution?

3. How can the African slave trade be effectually prevented, while negro slavery, its only source, remains? Or what power can the Americans have in attempting to abolish the slave trade in Africa, excepting that of mere brute force, while they have a slave trade at home, more criminal than that of Africa, and almost as cruel?

4. How can the moral wretchedness of Africa be remedied by an influx of degraded and untutored minds? And what will the Africans think, when informed that these Americans, who are so busy about freedom on the African coast, are slave-masters, or encouragers of slave-masters at home?

5. How can the ruinous condition of the slave states be remedied by trans­porting almost the whole of their laboring strength to a distant country?

6. And what good will it be doing the slave-holder to give him peace in his sins? To make it as pleasant and as safe for him as you can, to continue to plunder and to oppress the unof­fending poor? Will that be loving him? Will his soul bless you for such love, when his whiter skin no more elates him with pride, and when he meets his slave, no longer a slave or a negro, but like himself, a deathless soul, to be judged, without respect of persons, by the impartial law of unalterable righteousness?

——Prejudice Vincible, &c., 1833.